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Shaking Hands With The Devil: What Is The Future Of Paul Kagame’s Friends.

November 19, 2015 by  
Filed under Africa, News, Politics, Weekly Columns

(Akiit.com) I was born in Rwanda but raised in exile as many Rwandan youths from my generation.

We grew up hearing stories of how Paul Kagame used the likes of PASTEUR BIZIMUNGU and FAUSTIN TWAGIRAMUNGU(both being Highly Educated and Respected Hutu Intellectuals) to achieve his goal which is evidently none other than turning Rwanda into a KAGAME DYNASTY.

DOES KAGAME HAVE FRIENDS OR ALLIES?

Paul Kagame is not your ordinary Dictator.

He has learnt very well from his Masters over the years.

In 1994-It was clear that only a HUTU could command the legitimacy of the general Rwandan populace.Besides,most Rwandans saw the RPF as a foreign force to which they owed no loyalty to.

Therefore,it was imperative to create a facade where HUTU Politicians will seem to have DE JURE powers when in the actual sense the real DE FACTO powers over the state were in Military hands-Kagame’s hands.

WHY I DO NOT FEEL SORRY FOR PEOPLE WHO WORKED WITH PAUL KAGAME.

AN UNNECESSARY WAR.

On October 1, 1990 the self-styled Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched a surprise attack from Uganda. Though calling themselves a force of ‘liberation’ the offensive was a thinly disguised invasion by Uganda itself. Initially, the justification for the invasion put out by the RPF was that of attaining the right of return of Tutsi refugees. This claim, however, was belied by the fact that Rwanda had, under UN auspices, already agreed a few weeks earlier to the return of all Tutsis who wished to do so. That accord required Tutsi representatives to travel to Kigali to determine both the logistics of that population movement and their subsequent accommodation within Rwanda. The delegation was expected at the end of September, 1990. They never arrived.

The attack killed tens of thousands of Rwandan civilians. These crimes, though well documented, have never been accounted for, nor did the UN or ‘international community’ ever seek to account for them. Indeed, there was not even a shred of condemnation of the Ugandan/RPF  invasion, this despite the clamour raised only two months earlier with regard to the advance of Iraqi forces into Kuwait. In point of fact, the US and its allies supported the aggression against Rwanda and US Special Forces operated alongside the RPF from the beginning. This support paul-kagame-2015notwithstanding, the small Rwandan army (with some help from a Congolese battalion) was eventually able to repel the invading forces.

Following this attempt using a proxy force to overthrow the state, the United States brought political and economic pressure to bear upon Rwanda’s one-party socialist state (MRND). The President, Juvenal Habyarimana, instead of resisting, agreed to alter the constitution and in 1991 Rwanda became a multi-party democracy. Though the Rwandan government effected this as an offer of peace, what followed was anything but peace. Thus, rather than work towards reconciliation, the RPF turned from the tactics of open warfare to those of guerrilla terrorism.

In 1992, and whilst RPF forces were busy planting mines, assassinating politicians and blaming it on the MRND, a coalition government was formed with the front parties of the RPF. These agents, with US backing, quickly seized control of key ministries and succeeded in appointing the Prime Minister. They also gained control of the intelligence services which they then began to dismantle. In essence, the ‘power sharing’ arrangement had largely given over control of the country to the very forces long bent on its destruction.

The RPF itself, meanwhile, engaged in a ‘talk and fight’ strategy; always agreeing to a ceasefire, pressing for more power, then launching new attacks on the civilian population. The most egregious of these assaults was their breaking of the ceasefire and the launching of a major offensive in February of 1993. Seizing the town of Ruhengeri, RPF forces murdered some 40,000, mostly Hutu, civilians. Once again, the ‘international community’ remained dutifully silent.

The Rwandan army, though hamstrung by the civilian ministries, managed to repulse the RPF attack. Finally, in August of 1993, the Arusha Accords were signed under pressure from the United States and its allies, and from which the RPF obtained major concessions. The Accords dictated the formation of a broad-based transition government to be followed by general elections.

But for the RPF – as for the United States – there was a fatal fly in the electoral ointment. To wit, the RPF knew that they could not win such elections; this not only because they were unpopular with the majority (85%) Hutu population, but also because they had precious little support amongst many of Rwanda’s internal Tutsis whose lives and businesses they had destroyed. Rather than prepare for elections, the RPF prepared for something different.

UN reports document the massive build-up of men and weapons coming in from Uganda during this period. In fact, the UN force (UNAMIR) supposedly deployed to ensure a peaceful transition acted, instead, as a cover for the US and its allies, i.e. Britain, Belgium, Canada, to assist the illegal build-up. General Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian general in charge of the UN force, hid this build-up not only from the Rwandan Army and the President, but also from his immediate superiors, Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh and UN Secretary General Boutros Ghali. These machinations were accompanied by death threats against Habyarimana, threats made all the more significant by the murder of the first Hutu president of neighbouring Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye, by Tutsi officers in October 1993.

The result of the 1993 RPF offensive was the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of Hutus from northern Rwanda towards Kigali so that by April, 1994 over a million refugees were encamped close to the capital and hundreds of thousands more in camps to the south. The RPF, meanwhile, did all it could to paralyze the functioning of the government, to exacerbate racial tensions, and to prepare for war.

2. KAGAME’S FRIENDS ARE PARTLY RESPONSIBLE.

Dr. Léopold Munyakazi ‘s case

Dr. Léopold Munyakazi is in the custody of ICE, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, in Miami, Florida, where he is on the verge of being extradited to Rwanda for alleged crimes related to the 1994 massacres that came to be known as the Rwandan Genocide.

This Hutu fellow worked with and for Paul Kagame for many years.

He helped Paul Kagame and his friends to create an atmosphere that Rwandans are experiencing today.

He left Rwanda merely because he had fallen out with his Boss.

He knew that sooner or later he was going to answer for his participation in various crimes against humanity.

CONCLUSION.

We are called to be compassionate with those in need of help but let others who have created their misfortunes suffer the consequences.

All those who worked for and with Paul Kagame will one day pay the price.

DR. LÉOPOLD MUNYAKAZI should have learnt from his HUTU predecessors that Paul Kagame only has allies,not friends.

As soon as one becomes expendable-they either get accused of genocide if fortunate or be assassinated in the worst case scenario.

Columnist; Lionel Nishimwe

Official website; http://www.facebook.com/pages/Lionel-Nishimwe-Ngandu-Consultancy/1529677940632724


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